Here’s a short list of Donald Trump’s vice presidents and why each candidate may or may not be elected

NEW YORK – Donald Trump narrowed his vice-presidential shortlist to a few candidates, preparing to announce his choice a few days in advance – or maybe even at this time – Republican National Convention next month.

On Saturday, he told reporters that he had already made his decision and that the person in question would be present at the gala in Atlanta on Thursday evening the first debate in the election campaign against a democratic president Joe Biden.

Trump’s pick will likely become the immediate favorite to win the Republican presidential nomination in four years if Trump wins a second term, which is the constitutional limit. But this No. 2 will be under enormous pressure from Trump and his allies to always show loyalty.

After Pence, Trump turned on his first vice president, Mike Pence he rejected his boss’s efforts to overturn the results elections in 2020, based on false theories promoted by the then-president after his loss to Biden.

Pence refused to endorse Trump this time.

Trump has said that what matters most to him when choosing a vice president is whether someone is qualified to be commander in chief.

But other factors come into play: Who can raise the money? Who does well on TV? Who will be the most effective on the debate stage against Vice President Kamala Harris? Who runs the risk of overshadowing Trump as a lame duck if he is elected in November and talk of 2028 comes soon? And who has the “look”?

The Trump campaign has repeatedly warned that anyone “who claims to know who and when President Trump will choose as his vice president is lying, unless that person’s name is Donald J. Trump.”

And given Trump’s penchant for unpredictability and drama, the best-laid plans may change.

A look at the top contenders heading to the convention in Milwaukee, which begins on July 15.

Doug Burgum

Trump likes luxurious people. The two-term governor of North Dakota is certainly wealthy.

Before becoming governor, Burgum led a software company that was acquired by Microsoft for more than $1 billion. He also worked in real estate development and venture capital and spent millions on his own White House bid.

Burgum initially sought Trump’s 2024 nomination, but the little-known governor from the sparsely populated state failed to gain traction. When Burgum he withdrew his offerHe he quickly supported the former president. Since then, Burgum has become one of Trump’s most observable defenders, frequently appearing on television, joining him at fundraisers and traveling to New York for Trump’s criminal trial.

Moreover, Trump and Burgum reached a personal agreement.

Burgum and his wife, Kathryn, are said to get along particularly well with Trump and his team, and that type of relationship is particularly essential in Trump’s orbit. It doesn’t hurt that Trump thinks Burgum fits the role – a “central casting” candidate.

Selecting Burgum would be, in some ways, an echo of Pence: a staid, uncontroversial governor with less national recognition. Burgum, 67, is unlikely to compete with Trump for the spotlight or immediately overshadow him with a 2028 speech.

Burgum also brings money and wealthy friends to the table.

But does the Republican Party want two older white guys at the top of the ticket?

JD Vance

Moved to national prominence for his best-selling memoir“Hillbilly Elegy” Vance has held the position for less than two years. But in his short time in the Senate, the former Ohio venture capitalist has established himself as one of Trump’s fierce defenders of “Make America Great Again,” especially when it comes to foreign policy, trade and immigration.

Despite his initial criticism of Trump, Vance became personally close to the former president and his son, Donald Trump Jr., who spoke with the senator. Vance has become a fixture in conservative media, frequently sparring with reporters on Capitol Hill and appearing with Trump at an event at recent fundraisers and in court.

At 39, Vance would inject some millennial energy into a race where an 81-year-old (Biden) and a 78-year-old (Trump) are at the top of the major party rankings. And a debate with Harris would certainly be heated.

But will Trump be able to move past Vance’s past insults that he keeps mentioning?

In 2016, Vance was one of Trump’s fiercest critics, labeling the then-reality star a “total fraud” and a “moral disaster” and calling him “American Hitler.”

Vance said Trump’s performance in office has proven him wrong, and the senator is now criticizing the liberals who made his book a bestseller as he seeks a window into understanding Trumpism.

Marco Rubio

If Vance’s selection excites Trump supporters, the Florida senator’s selection could boost the ticket’s appeal, especially among deep-pocketed donors and more establishment-minded and moderate Republicans turned off by Trump’s rhetoric and extremism.

Rubio, once seen as a staunch supporter of the Republican Party, is now a respected voice within his party on foreign policy and national security issues. The son of Cuban immigrants, he speaks Spanish and could assist Trump win over the Latino voters his campaign is eager to court.

Rubio is also seen as a talented debater who will hold his own against Harris.

Trump’s side might once have seemed unlikely, considering the two were bitter rivals for the GOP nomination in 2016 and they brutally attacked each other. Trump disparaged Rubio, calling him “Little Marco,” mocked him for drinking water during speeches and called him a “nervous lunatic” who was “disgusting.” Rubio said Trump was a “fraud” who was trying to “scam” the Republican Party and Rubio was trying to question Trump’s masculinity.

“You know what they say about men with small hands,” Rubio joked at one point during this campaign.

But there’s also Rubio’s “problem” in Florida, as Trump called it.

The constitution states that two candidates from the same state cannot run for president and vice president, which means Rubio will have to change his place of residence, which he is reportedly willing to do.

But does he really want this job? Rubio has been noticeably less public than some of the other contenders to be Trump’s No. 2 and did not appear with Trump at his criminal trial.

Tim Scott

The only Black Republican in the Senate would be brought by a South Carolinian racial and stylistic diversity to the GOP ticket as well as the preacher’s touch. The self-proclaimed “born again believer” frequently quotes Scripture in political speeches, which often reach a call-and-response crescendo.

While Trump was in the White House, Scott and Trump worked closely on many policy issues, including Trump’s tax cuts, opportunity zones and criminal justice reform legislation.

Although Scott ran for the nomination against Trump this year, the senator largely refused to criticize the former president. After failing to gain traction despite millions spent on his behalf by high-profile donors, Scott endorsed Trump over Nikki Haley, Trump’s ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley of South Carolina, and he immediately launched an enthusiastic campaign on Trump’s behalf throughout New Hampshire and South Carolina.

He still appears frequently on television and recently started his own business a $14 million campaign to woo minority voters in seven key swing states.

Trump often joked that Scott had become a much better surrogate than candidate.

But it also raises questions about how Scott might appear on the debate stage with Harris later this year.

Eliza Stefanik

The only woman on his shortlist, the New York congresswoman, could assist Trump win over skeptical college and suburban women to side with Biden in 2020.

Stefanik was once an aide to former House Speaker Paul Ryan and served in President George W. Bush’s White House, working for two Republicans now shunned by Trump loyalists. But over the course of Trump’s four years in office, she transformed into a full-fledged Trump acolyte.

She he defended it strongly in both impeachment trials and complained about the criminal charges against him. In 2022, Stefanik was the first member of the House Republican leadership to endorse Trump’s campaign, and he did so before he even announced it.

She saw her profile rise behind her aggressive questioning in December of three university presidents due to anti-Semitism on campus, which led to the resignation of two of them. Trump has repeatedly praised the performance.

Stefanik has ingratiated herself with Trump over the years and positioned herself as one of his most trusted allies and confidants on Capitol Hill.

But does she have enough experience as a House member?

Ben Carson

What matters to Trump is relationships and trust. Carson who served as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development under Trump has developed a forceful bond with the former president over the years, despite a controversial start as rivals in 2016.

A soft-spoken, former renowned neurosurgeon, Carson, 72, could assist Trump win over minority voters as the GOP’s first black presidential candidate. Given Carson’s age and demeanor, there is little chance he will outshine Trump or steal the spotlight.

But Carson also has a history of controversial comments on abortion, guns and other issues that could cause headaches for the mandate.

Byron Donalds

The Florida congressman has become one of Trump’s most prominent conservative supporters and a reliable surrogate for Trump on television and at events.

His selection could boost Trump’s appeal among black voters, especially younger black men who the campaign has courted as it tries to insinuate itself into Biden’s 2020 coalition.

Donalds, 45, is also a fresh face who stands in stark contrast to the men occupying the top positions in both parties’ rankings.

But like Rubio, Donalds would likely have to move to join the ranks of candidates. He, too, has made controversial statements, including a recent one he made at a “Congress, Cognac and Cigars” event in Philadelphia, during which he appeared to positively reminisce about the Jim Crow era, talking about “reviving” the Black Family brand.

“You see, during Jim Crow, the Black family stayed together. “Under Jim Crow, not only were more black people conservative – black people have always been conservative – but more black people voted conservative,” Donalds said, according to a recording from the Philadelphia Inquirer.